By Gary Endelman and Cyrus D. Mehta
Nothing more poignantly describes the current
humanitarian crisis at the Southwest border than a recent New
York Times article describing the journey of Alejandro, 8, who came to the
United States on his own with only his birth certificate looking for his
parents who are somewhere in San Antonio or an aunt in Maryland. The story of
an adorable, courageous and resourceful 8 year old braving a dangerous journey
in search of his parents will pull at the heartstrings of any parent.
There may be many reasons for this crisis and
what may draw unaccompanied young children to the United States, but one reason
for this is our broken immigration system. This system does not allow people
accessible pathways to come to the United States legally or gain legal status. Even those who are here as permanent residents
or naturalized citizens have to wait years before their loved ones can join
them due to the backlogs in our family and employment-based immigration
preferences. Until recently there was
some hope that the House would pass its own version of immigration reform after
the Senate passed S. 744 last year. Those hopes have now
been dashed.
The impetus to preserve family unity is
pervasive and exists across all cultures, and so is the deep love that parents
have for their children and that children have for their parents. Many of the
children fleeing violence in Central American countries are trying to unite
with parents living in the United States. However, the broken immigration
system does not allow families to unite through legal means Instead of beefing
up the border with more enforcement; President Obama can bring some balance to
the immigration system through bold administrative measures that will promote
family unification in a legal and orderly manner. While there are several
proposals on the table, one that resonates is to not count derivative family
members in the employment and family preferences. The solution is simple but
elegant: Count all members of a family together as one unit rather than as
separate and distinct individuals. Do that and systemic visa retrogression,
resulting in family members waiting endlessly, will quickly become a thing of
the past.
Not
Counting Family Members
Section
203(d) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) is the provision that deals
with family members. Let us examine what section 203(d) says: “A spouse or
child defined in subparagraphs (A), (B), (C), (D), or (E) of section 1101
(b)(1) of this title shall, if not otherwise entitled to an immigrant status
and the immediate issuance of a visa under subsection (a), (b), or (c) of this
section, be entitled to the same status, and the same order of consideration
provided in the respective subsection, if accompanying or following to join,
the spouse or parent.” There is nothing in section 203(d) that explicitly
provides authority for family members to be counted under the preference
quotas. While a derivative is “entitled to the same status, and the same order
of consideration” as the principal, nothing requires that family members also
be given numbers. If Congress allocates a certain number of visas to immigrants
with advanced degrees, it makes no sense if half or more are used up by family
members.
There
is no regulation in 8 Code of Federal Regulations (C.F.R.) instructing what section
203(d) is supposed to be doing. Even the Department of State’s regulation at 22
C.F.R. 42.32 only parrots section 203(d) and states that children and spouses
are “entitled to the derivative status corresponding to the classification and
priority date of the principal.” 22 C.F.R. 42.32 does not provide further
amplification on the scope and purpose of section 203(d). We acknowledge that section
203(d) derivatives are wholly within the preference system and bound by its
limitations. They are not independent of numerical limits, only from direct
limitations. It is the principal alien through whom they derive their claim who
is counted and who has been counted. Hence, if no EB or FB numbers were
available to the principal alien, the derivatives would not be able to
immigrate either. If they were exempt altogether, this would not matter. There
is a difference between not being counted at all, which we do not argue, and
being counted as an integral family unit as opposed to individuals, which we do
assert. We seek not an exemption from numerical limits but a different way
of counting such limits.
If the Executive Branch wanted to reinterpret
section 203(d), there is sufficient ambiguity in the provision for it do so
without the need for Congress to sanction it. A government agency’s
interpretation of an ambiguous statute is entitled to deference under Chevron
U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837
(1984)—often abbreviated as “Chevron deference”. When a statute is ambiguous in this way, the
Supreme Court has made clear in National Cable & Telecommunications
Assn. v. Brand X Internet Services, 545 U.S. 967 (2005), the agency may
reconsider its interpretation even after the courts have approved of it. Brand X
can be used as a force for good. For
instance, in Sciallaba v. Osorio: Does the Dark Cloud
Have A Silver Lining, Cyrus Mehta
and David Isaacson propose that notwithstanding the Supreme Court’s recent
decision concerning section 203(h)(3) of
the INA, where the Court agreed with the
Board of Immigration Appeal’s (BIA) more restrictive interpretation of
this Child Status Protection Act provision in Matter of Wang,
25 I&N Dec. 28 (BIA 2009), the
BIA has the power to reverse Matter of
Wang under Brand X. Matter of Wang held that not all
children who are unable to protect their age under the Child Status Protection
Act can claim the earlier priority date under which their parent immigration to
the United States.
As
the plurality opinion in Sciallaba v.
Osorio explained in its conclusion:
This is the kind of case Chevron was built for.
Whatever Congress might have meant in enacting §1153(h)(3), it failed to speak
clearly. Confronted with a self-contradictory, ambiguous provision in a
complex statutory scheme, the Board chose a textually reasonable construction
consonant with its view of the purposes and policies underlying immigration
law. Were we to overturn the Board in that circumstance, we would assume
as our own the responsible and expert agency’s role. We decline that
path, and defer to the Board.
Kagan
slip op. at 33.
Thus,
when a provision is ambiguous such as section 203(d), the government agency may
reasonably interpret the provision in a reasonable manner. In our prior article
relating to not counting relatives, Why
We Can’t Wait: How President Obama Can Erase Immigrant Visa Backlogs
With A Stroke Of A Pen, http://www.ilw.com/articles/2012,0201-endelman.shtm,
we discussed that there are admittedly some statutory
provisions which might be read as pointing against an interpretation to not
count family members. Most notably, it has also been pointed to us that INA section 202(b) permits a spouse or child
to “cross charge” to the foreign state of either of the parents or the spouse
to avoid family separation, and this may suggest that derivatives must be
individually counted for purposes of the per country cap. Still, this too can
be interpreted differently under Chevron
and Brand X, namely, that the entire
family be counted as single unit to the other spouse or parent’s country. Of
course, the statutory provision which militates in favor of such an
interpretation is most notably the text of INA §203(d) itself. If this
happened, the EB and FB preferences could instantly become “current.” The
backlogs would disappear. The USCIS might even have to build a new Service
Center!
Expansion
of Parole in Place
The very idea of “parole” in
section 212(d)(5) of the INA is linked to
allowing deserving aliens to come to the United States for “urgent
humanitarian reasons or significant public benefit.” In most cases, we think
this only applies to people who are not yet here. Not so. Digging a bit deeper
into the INA, we find in section 235(a)(1) this golden nugget: an applicant for
admission is “an alien present in the United states who has not been admitted…”
Putting all of this together, there is nothing in law or logic that prevents
the full embrace and unfettered application of parole to those already in the
United States outside the color of law. The invocation of ‘parole in place” is
another example of using new interpretive techniques to mine the existing law
for greater benefits. It is the antidote to the inability of Congress to enact
comprehensive immigration reform. There should be no concern over a possible
infringement of separation of powers for the authority of Congress over the
legislative process is being fully respected.
Part of the responsibility of the President to enforce the laws is to
adopt an understanding of them that best promotes what Congress had in mind
when it passed the law in the first place. Parole in place does precisely that.
This is not amnesty. The requirements for obtaining legal status on a permanent
basis apply in full. It is merely an attempt to think of the law we have not
purely or primarily as an instrument of enforcement but as a platform for
remediation of the human condition. Indeed, is this not how law in the American
tradition is meant to function?
The creation of new solutions by
federal agencies has become the norm rather than the exception in our system of
governance if for no other reason that the sheer multiplicity of issues, as
well as their dense complexity, defies traditional compromise or achievable
consensus which are the hallmarks of Congressional deliberation. They require
timely and directed executive action as a formula for keeping present problems
from getting worse. This is exactly why Congress authorized the Attorney
General to grant employment authorization without terms or limitations pursuant
to INA 274A (h) (3)(B), a provision that should be linked with the robust
exercise of the Executive’s parole power. The INA leaves the granting of parole
completely up to the discretion of the Attorney General, now shifted to the
DHS. It is hard to imagine a more open invitation to Executive rule- making to
provide when parole can be extended, as there is absolutely nothing in the INA
that would contradict a DHS regulation allowing parole in place. Not only is it
appropriate for the DHS to formulate immigration policy on highly minute
technical issues of surpassing moment such as parole in place, but the
Constitution expects that to happen. Indeed, without this, who would do it? Far
from crossing the line and infringing the authority of Congress, what we ask
the DHS to do augments Congressional prerogative by providing a practical way
for them to function.
In addition to not counting derivatives, the
Obama Administration can extend parole in place (PIP) that has been granted to
military families to all immediate relatives of US citizens, which would allow
them to adjust in the US rather than travel abroad and risk the 3 and 10 year
bars of inadmissibility under sections 212(a)(9)(B)(i)(I) and (II) of the INA.
Such administrative relief would be far less controversial than granting
deferred action since immediate relatives of US citizens are anyway eligible
for permanent residence. The only difference is that they could apply for their
green cards in the US without needing to travel overseas and apply for waivers
of the 3 and 10 year bars.
The concept of PIP can be extended to other
categories, such as beneficiaries of preference petitions, which the authors
have explained in The
Tyranny of Priority Dates. However, they need to have demonstrated lawful
status as a condition for being able to adjust status under INA section
245(c)(2) and the current memo
granting PIP to military families states that “[p]arole does not erase any
periods of unlawful status.” There is no reason why this policy cannot be
reversed. The grant of PIP, especially to someone who arrived in the past
without admission or parole, can retroactively give that person lawful status
too, thus rendering him or her eligible to adjust status through the I-130
petition as a preference beneficiary. The only place in INA section 245 where
the applicant is required to have maintained lawful nonimmigrant status is
under INA section 245(c)(7), which is limited to employment-based immigrants.
Family-based immigrants are not so subject. For purposes of section
245(c) of the INA, current regulations already define “lawful immigration
status” to include “parole status which has not expired, been revoked, or
terminated.” 8 C.F.R. section 245.1(d)(v). Indeed, even if one has already been
admitted previously in a nonimmigrant visa status and is now out of status, the
authors contend that this person should be able to apply for a rescission
of that admission and instead be granted retroactive PIP. Thus, beneficiaries
of I-130 petitions, if granted retroactive PIP, ought to be able adjust their
status in the US.
There is also no reason why PIP cannot extend
to beneficiaries of employment I-140 petitions. If this is done, would such
persons be able to adjust status to lawful permanent resident without leaving
the USA? In order to do that, they not only need to demonstrate lawful status,
but also to have maintained continuous lawful nonimmigrant status under
INA section 245(c)(7), as noted above. Is there a way around this
problem? At first glance, we consider the possibility of using the exception
under INA section 245(k) which allows for those who have not continuously
maintained lawful nonimmigrant status to still take advantage of section 245
adjustment if they can demonstrate that they have been in unlawful status for
not more than 180 days since their last admission. We would do well to
remember, however, that 245(k) only works if the alien is “present in the
United States pursuant to a lawful admission.” Is parole an admission?
Not according to INA section 101(a)(13)(B). So, while retroactive PIP would
help satisfy the 180 day requirement imposed by INA section 245(k)(2), it
cannot substitute for the lawful admission demanded by section 245(k)(1). Even
if an out of status or unlawfully present I-140 beneficiary who had previously
been admitted now received nunc pro tunc parole, the parole would
replace the prior lawful admission. Such a person would still not be eligible
for INA section 245(k) benefits and, having failed to continuously maintain
valid nonimmigrant status, would remain unable to adjust due to the
preclusive effect of section 245(c)(7). Similarly, an I-140 beneficiary who had
entered EWI and subsequently received retroactive parole would likewise not be
able to utilize 245(k) for precisely the same reason, the lack of a lawful
admission. Still, the grant of retroactive PIP should wipe out unlawful
presence and the 3 and 10 year bars enabling this I-140 beneficiary to still receive
an immigrant visa at an overseas consular post without triggering the bars upon
departure from the US. Thus, while the beneficiary of an employment-based
petition may not be able to apply for adjustment of status, retroactive PIP
would nevertheless be hugely beneficial because, assuming PIP is considered a
lawful status, it will wipe out unlawful presence and will thus no longer
trigger the bars upon the alien’s departure from the US.
Our proposal to grant PIP retroactively so
that it erases unlawful presence can also assist people who face the permanent
bar under section 212(a)(9)(C) of the INA. If PIP can retroactively erase
unlawful presence, then those who entered the country without inspection after
accruing unlawful presence of more than 1 year will not trigger the bar under
this provision if the unlawful presence has been erased.
One of the biggest contributors to the
buildup of the undocumented population in the US has been the 3 year, 10 year
and permanent bars. Even though people are beneficiaries of immigrant
visa petitions, they do not wish to risk travelling abroad and facing the
bars. Extending PIP to people who are in
any event in the pipeline for a green card would allow them adjust status in
the US or process immigrant visas at consular posts, and become lawful
permanent residents. These people are already eligible for permanent residence
through approved I-130 and I-140 petitions, and PIP would only facilitate their
ability to apply for permanent residence in the US, or in the case of I-140
beneficiaries by travelling overseas for consular processing without incurring
the 3 and 10 year bars. PIP would thus reduce the undocumented population in
the US without creating new categories of relief, which Congress can and should
do through reform immigration legislation.
Achieving
Something Close to Comprehensive Immigration Reform Without Congress
Not counting family members and expanding
parole in place can be a potent combination for nearing comprehensive
immigration reform administratively in the face of Congressional inaction. The
waits in the EB and FB preferences will disappear, and family members waiting
abroad can unite with their loved ones more quickly and need not be forced to
take the perilous path across the Southwest border in desperation. The
expansion of PIP to beneficiaries of approved I-130 and I-140 petitions would
allow them to obtain lawful permanent residence, rather than being stuck in
permanent limbo due to the 3 and 10 year bars. After removing the obstacle of
the bars, the grant of lawful permanent residence would be more rapid as there
would be no backlogs in the FB and EB preferences, and loved ones from abroad
can unite with newly minted immigrants in the United States through an orderly
and legal process.
Our proposals fall squarely within the mainstream of the American political
tradition, animated by the spirit of audacious incrementalism that has
consistently characterized successful reform initiatives. We acknowledge that immigration
reform passed by Congress would solve more problems in a fundamental way. We
seek less dramatic but no less meaningful advances through the disciplined
invocation of executive initiative only because these are the ones that can be
achieved sooner and with greater predictability. Our justifiable zeal for immigration
reform must not blind us to the benefit of more moderate proposals. We are
confident that future progress will follow in a way that minimizes disruption
and maximizes acceptance. We hold fast to the distinction between prudence and
absolutism, between incremental reform and revolutionary upheaval. In the long
run, the American experience has been characterized more by the former than the
latter and it has led to a fruitful stability that has been the envy of the
world.
(Guest writer Gary Endelman is the Senior Counsel of FosterQuan)